Washington from a War Veteran’s View Point

By Siraj A. Alyami

Reading about and watching the inner workings of our democratic institutions and the shaping of our foreign policy on visual and print media differs greatly from actually being present in the Congressional Chambers, where policies are formulated, and the conference rooms of powerful organizations, where US official policies are strongly influenced. I had the unique opportunity to spend the summer of 2006 working at The Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia (CDHR), located in Washing DC, observing the formulation of our nation’s policies. As a veteran army officer who served a tour in a war zone implementing my nation’s policies, I discovered the need to better understand the process of how policies are formulated and for what purpose.

As dangerous, harsh and ambiguous as my tour overseas was, it taught me a lot about what I have taken for granted; more importantly, what I should know in order to serve my country best. From my experience overseas, I have come to realize that a noble idea can easily develop into a situation that defeats the initial purpose and its intended objectives. I became aware of the large gap between the making and implementation of US foreign policy. During my invaluable experience in Washington this summer, made possible by a small scholarship from a supporter of CDHR, I learned that many policy “experts” and decision makers, whether for or against the US’s current foreign policy in Iraq and beyond, are largely removed from the realities on the ground.

My exposure to representative samples of warfare, culture, politics, society, religion, human interactions and ethnic divide, which differ immensely from the environment I was born into, was quite sobering. My interaction with people in Iraq, a region I assumed I understood but quickly realized knew little about, prompted me to further analyze our nation’s policies and stance towards Arab and Muslim States. I am now convinced, more than ever, that democratizing the Arab World, most notably Saudi Arabia, will not only serve the best interests of the people of that region, but will consequently benefit our strategic interests and those of other democratic societies worldwide. I am constantly faced with daunting questions I am struggling with and have only begun to answer them. While the Iraqis I met expressed their gratitude for the ousting of Saddam and his brutal police, they long for the stability and familiarity under his repressive rule. Although Iraqis were freed from Saddam’s tyrannical iron fist, the lack of a stable government and daily sustenance has created a void; a lesson policy makers should not take lightly.

While working at CDHR, I had the opportunity to visit officials and attend conferences and briefings sponsored by think tanks, human rights advocates, policy “experts,” and lobbyists. All of my activities in Washington were related to our nation’s policies, attitudes and historical relationships with Arab and Muslim regimes. Many congressional hearings and downtown meetings revolved around the topics of one cause versus another, who is right and who is wrong, who is our ally and who is not and what the US should or should not do. As I listened to these discussions, which often turned into meaningless finger pointing, I found myself instinctively transported to what I saw, learned and experienced during my tour in Iraq. I thought of the suffering Iraqis and brave American soldiers, who risk their lives to implement their nation’s policies, and what their reactions to these futile arguments would be.

Iraqis I interacted with expressed their desire for huriyah (liberty), demogratiyah (democracy), elm (education) and amin (security). In short, they yearned for a better future for themselves and their children. Shiites, Sunnis, Kurds, Christians, men, women and children alike expressed these sentiments. The toughest challenge I faced while serving in Iraq was how best to explain to these Iraqis that, although the current situation may seem grim, the empowering values they most strongly desired were in fact beginning to take root in their ravaged country. I refered to such accomplishments as: freedom of speech on TV and newspapers, free elections, and the ability to engage in open discussions on any topic without fear of arrest or punishment by secret police – an inherent right not enjoyed by citizens of neighboring countries. While they acknowledged these improvements and felt liberated from a vicious tyrant that ruled them for decades, they also felt more vulnerable than any other time in recent history. They felt a sense of nostalgia for the stability they once enjoyed under a fierce, yet predictable ruler.

In conclusion, I was able to expand my horizons during my stint in Washington just as much as during my tour in a war zone in a distant land. There is no escape from the dangerous realities of the Middle East. The region has the potential of causing an end to an era of relative peace, prosperity and respect for the rule of law in many countries. As much as many people would like us to leave the Middle East to its device, the Middle East problems will not leave us alone. Where do we go from here? My answer is empower the people of the region to govern themselves and feel good about their countries, religions and heritage.

How? Support a third choice. Presently, we are cowed into believing that we either have to choose between feudal and anti-democratic oligarchs or religious extremists. In fact, the difference between the two is miniscule if one dig little deeper. Millions of Arab Muslims, Christian, men and women are educated and know that the institutions that control every aspect of their lives are obsolete, oppressive and designed to serve a few ruling families.

Siraj Alyami was acting Deputy Director of CDHR during the summer of 2006. He is currently pursuing his Ph.D. in Political Science at the University of Missippi at Oxford.

An Intern’s View of Saudi Arabia’s Political Structure and its Influence in the World

Charles Jedlicka, Intern Research Assistant

Prior to my internship with The Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia, my knowledge regarding The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was only slightly more than that of the average American. As a current Political Science student at Old Dominion University, my studies have exposed me to the fundamentals of Saudi Arabia; including, the political and economic power of its vast oil reserves, the religious significance of its housing the two holiest cities in Islam – Mecca and Medina, and its historically strategic alliance with the United States. Nevertheless, since joining The Center, almost three months ago, I have come to realize how uninformed I was. The archaic and draconian political system present in Saudi Arabia not only serves to repress millions of Saudi citizens, but is a danger to the democratic values and freedom of choice present throughout the free world.

While there is prevalent discussion among policy experts in Washington concerning Saudi human rights violations, the US Government is hesitant to push the House of Saud towards real reform in fear of disrupting the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf which may be caused by any political instability. The US’ intentional blindness towards Saudi oppression of its own citizens and its continued support of the Saudi Monarchy for the sake of political stability reminds me of the time when the US supported the Shah of Iran. US policy makers would do well, however, to remember the result of the Shah’s unwillingness to reform - a violent revolution and the instillation of a religious theocracy. In addition, the American people need to be made aware of how the foreign and domestic policies of Saudi Arabia are affecting them. The American government, inline with its current democracy doctrine, needs to pressure the Saudi Monarchy to enact real, not superficial, reforms towards creating democratic institutions which may reduce extremism by enhancing the quality of life for its citizens and others throughout the region; consequently the rest of the world. Read more

As I read, attend meetings and learn more about Saudi Arabia, I am learning just how suffocating the ruling family’s grip on Saudi Arabia and its people is; an absolute monarchy significantly more authoritarian and controlling than any pre-enlightenment Europian state. The government, under the House of Saud, controls every aspect of a citizen’s life; failure to conform to the strict religious laws governing The Kingdom, as interpreted by a small cadre of ulama (a group of austere religious men), results in life long stigmatization, unemployment, incarceration, or worse. The House of Saud is propped up and given legitimacy by the clerics in Saudi Arabia. The state religion is Wahhabism, an uncompromising sect of Islam that is inherently anti-western and anti-democratic. In return for turning a blind eye to the government’s lavish spending of state funds and other hypocritical policies, the clerics are rewarded monetarily and granted religious authority to carry out the government’s policies of intimidation, spying and forced conformity. Religious zealots have turned the strictness and lack of opportunity in Saudi society into a worldwide problem.

Lack of non-religious education limits employment opportunities for the average Saudi citizen breeding resentment among the population towards the rest of the world that is quickly passing them by. Clerics enhance this resentment through blistering speeches that condemn “the West” and blame it for all of the Saudi people’s woes. Anger, produced by the feeling of hopelessness, generates extremism. So as not to turn this extremism against them, the Saudi government creates an outlet by willfully providing support and funding to religious extremists who in turn export their ideology across the globe.

Since coming to Washington, I have continuously heard evidence of the methods in which the Saudi system undermines democratic values. At a roundtable discussion, Dr. Kamal Hossain - a Bangladeshi Parliament member, former Supreme Court Justice, and author of the country’s secular constitution - revealed that “petrodollars” from the Arabian Peninsula were helping finance fundamentalist religious schools and arm militant extremists that have recently taken root in his country, one which was previously void of this sort of violence and intolerance.

During a congressional staff briefing titled “Religious Freedom and Human Rights in Russia”, I witnessed members of The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom attest to the fact that a large number of Imams in Russia’s Muslim population had been trained in Saudi Arabia. This has led to increasing trends in Islamic extremism in Russia and the former Soviet Republics; most notably Chechnya, where resistance to Russian forces - traditionally led by nationalist separatists - is now largely commanded by Islamic extremists who use increasingly violent means against civilian populations.

During a lecture at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright condemned the Saudi Government for its religious oppression. She also expressed her opinion that the meetings at Camp David, during President Clinton’s term, were largely unsuccessful due to the fact that Yasser Arafat was unable to make large concessions without Saudi approval. With the current violence in southern Lebanon, the fact that the Saudi’s undermined this opportunity for peace makes it even more tragic.

Currently the Saudi’s are calling for the disarmament of Hezbollah, not because they seek to promote peace or democracy in Lebanon, but rather, because they view Hezbollah as an agent of Iran. The Saudi Monarchy and its Wahabi clerics view themselves as the protectors of the pure and true form of Islam. Iran, with its influence over the Shiite Muslims in the Middle East, is viewed as the largest obstacle to Saudi political hegemony in the region and religious authority over Muslims world wide.

AIDS in Saudi Arabia: An Unspeakable Threat

By Alix McKenna

Since the first reported AIDS case in Saudi Arabia in 1984, the kingdom repeatedly claims that a remarkably low number of people are suffering from the disease. However the figures have gone up dramatically increased from a reported 436 cases between 1984 and 2000 to 6,787 cases in 2003[1] and it continues to climb to a reported 10,120 in 2006.[2] Given the fact that scientific surveys are not allowed in Saudi Arabia, the government’s severe censorship and the stigma attached to deadly diseases, these figures may only represent a fraction of the spread of AIDS in Saudi Arabia.

While on the surface, these figures seem insignificant in comparison to the astronomical AIDS rate in other parts of the world such as Africa, the speed at which the infection is spreading has resulted in a disturbing response from policy makers and society at large. The government’s efforts to curb the epidemic focus on controlling the behavior of AIDS victims, emphasizing Islamic sexual morals and preventing panic amongst the population. Unfortunately, this approach has proved heavy-handed, insensitive to human rights and from all sides ineffective.

The most disturbing component of the Saudi government’s approach to dealing with the spike in AIDS cases is its treatment of the AIDS victims themselves, particularly if they were born in other countries. Saudi officials view the epidemic as a foreign threat. Of the 10,120 AIDS victims, 7,804 are foreign nationals.[3] This could be due to the fact that Saudis have learned to become secretive people and are afraid to report AIDS cases in fear of being stigmatized or even punished for their sexual behavior. In response to higher numbers of AIDS victims in Saudi Arabia, all foreigners are required to take an AIDS test upon entering the country, and every time they use the public health system. If it is discovered that they are infected with the AIDS virus, they are locked up, often six at a time, in caged hospital rooms awaiting deportation.

Although the Kingdom is a phenomenally wealthy welfare state and provides its own citizens with anti-retroviral treatment free of cost, foreign nationals are denied medication. Depending on their country of origin, the deportation process often takes up to six months to a year. A 2005 article in the Canadian Globe and Mail newspaper described the plight of a Palestinian national who had been confined to a cell for six months without being administered retroviral drugs. In another instance, a man born in Saudi Arabia to parents of Burmese origin languished for a year without medication before being deported.

The Saudi policy of locking up HIV positive foreigners is not only inhumane; it reveals a lack of understanding for the true nature of the problem. Immigrants comprise nearly 25% of the population in Saudi Arabia. In addition to performing jobs that Saudis view as demeaning, they are forced to live in run down and repressive compounds where prostitution and drug use are rampant.[4] The Saudi government and businessmen, who import millions of expatriates to keep their economy afloat, should be concerned with improving the living conditions of immigrant workers rather than confining and deporting those who are afflicted with HIV.

While Saudi nationals are coerced into abiding by absolute laws regarding their sexual behavior, the government exonerates itself from its obligations toward poor expatriates. Furthermore, female immigrant workers are provided with no protection from sexual abuse at the hands of employers. Of the millions of foreign women who work as domestic servants in the homes of Saudis, many of them are subjected to repeated sexual assault without any protection or recourse. The Saudi ruling family, who controls every aspect of people’s lives, behaviors and sources of income, rarely concerns itself with these matters.

Although AIDS victims from the expatriate community, who are looked down upon by Saudis, are treated particularly inhumanely, Saudi citizens with an HIV status are also disrespected. In Saudi Arabia, any sexual conduct outside wedlock is viewed as sinful and therefore the government severely restricts any form of contact or communication between the sexes. This form of control and repressive method of dealing with issues of sexuality adversely affects the AIDS epidemic within the Kingdom. To begin with, the lack of sexual education prevents people from becoming aware on how to avoid STDs and stigmatizes those already infected as sexual deviants – explaining why few people voluntarily get tested resulting in a low number of diagnoses. Although citizens are provided with treatment, they are treated in a humiliating and often abusive way by health officials and society at large. In 2003, BBC reported on a tragic story in which a terminally ill AIDS patient was thrown out of a hospital in Jeddah and literally dumped in the street. Since the hospital did not specialize in treating AIDS patients, the Red Crescent was asked to transfer the patient to another hospital. The Red Crescent refused, on the grounds that it does not transfer AIDS patients, and so the patient was placed in the clinic’s pick up truck and dumped on the side walk in front of his employer’s office, where he was left bruised and bleeding. [5]

The stigma against sex outside of marriage affects not only the treatment of AIDS patients, but also the manner in which the AIDS prevention program in the Kingdom is administered. In order to prevent the dissemination of the illness, it is vital that information regarding safe sex and the sexual nature of the epidemic is made available. It is also imperative that an AIDS prevention program bases its strategy not on the sexual ideals of Islam, but on the sexual reality of modern life, which includes homosexuality, prostitution and other activities that are frequently connected to the spread of HIV. Even discussing aspects of sexuality not condoned by Islam can sometimes lead to punishment. In 2003, a General Court in Riyadh sentenced high school and middle school teacher Muhammad al-Sahimi to three years in prison and 300 lashes for declaring that Islam permits (among other things), adultery, homosexuality, and masturbation.[6] AIDS is seen by politicians, clerics and even medical researchers not as a unique problem that requires a reality-based solution, but as another excuse to impose conservative morality on the populace. In 2004, researchers from the Ministry of Health and the King Abdulaziz University published an 18 year surveillance report on AIDS in Saudi Arabia. The authors suggest that in order to limit the spread of the infection, the Kingdom should encourage people to “follow and implement the Islamic rules and values that prohibit adultery, homosexuality and intravenous drug use, and to practice safe sex only through legal marriage.”[7]

In the last two years there have been some signs that the Kingdom is becoming more open to other views on the topic of prevention, but the general attitude has not dramatically changed. In 2005, the UN was given permission to launch an AIDS awareness workshop for 25 students in a Riyadh private school. UN Coordinators stated that it was their hope that similar workshops would be allowed in other private schools, followed by the widespread implementation of workshops in government schools. Additional workshops have been held, but a nation-wide initiative is nowhere in sight.[8] Other developments in recent years imply that the Kingdom is regressing in their handling of the epidemic. The fact that the number of reported AIDS cases has been increasing at such an alarming rate in the past few years suggests that the Kingdom’s techniques for measuring the crisis are either not entirely accurate or not entirely honest. Last February, an article in Asharq Alawsat raised questions about the accuracy of Saudi statistics. The expose revealed that an official from the Ministry of Health criticized Dr. Aisha Metwalli, a female consultant at King Abdulaziz hospital in Jeddah, for her statement at a women’s conference that the latest statistics show 72,380 AIDS cases in the Kingdom. While this number is disturbingly higher than other reported figures, the government’s response to her claims was equally frightening. Rather than denying Metwalli’s claims, the official declared that they were not necessarily true and stated that her comments were inappropriate because only administrators within the Agency for Preventive Medicine, a branch of the Ministry of Health, are entitled to deal with that information.[9]

Rather than seeing AIDS as a pressing problem requiring a reality-based solution, Saudi politicians, clerics and even medical researchers view the epidemic as another excuse to impose conservative morality on the populace. In 2004, researchers from the Ministry of Health and the King Abdulaziz University published an 18 year surveillance report on AIDS in Saudi Arabia. The authors suggest that in order to limit the spread of the infection, the kingdom should encourage people to “follow and implement the Islamic rules and values that prohibit adultery, homosexuality and intravenous drug use, and to practice safe sex only through legal marriage.”[10]

Over the last two years, there have been some signs that the kingdom is becoming more open to other perspectives on prevention, but the general attitude has not changed drastically. In 2005, the UN was allowed to launch an AIDS awareness workshop for 25 students in a Riyadh private school. UN Coordinators stated that it was their hope that similar workshops would be allowed in other private schools, followed by the widespread implementation of workshops in government schools. More workshops have been held, but a nation-wide initiative is nowhere in sight. Moreover, other recent developments suggest that the kingdom is moving backwards in their handling of the epidemic. Although undeniably low, the number of reported AIDS cases has been increasing at such an unstable rate in the past few years, that one might suspects that the kingdom’s techniques for measuring the crisis are either unreliable or not entirely honest.

Last February, an article in Asharq Alawsat raised some questions about the accuracy of Saudi statistics. This expose reported that an official from the ministry of health criticized Dr. Aisha Metwalli, a female consultant at King Abdulaziz hospital in Jeddah. Dr. Metwalli was singled out for stating at a women’s conference that the latest statistics counted 72,380 people with AIDS in Saudi Arabia.[11] Although this figure is significantly higher than official statistics, other reports by AIDS workers support her claim. According to a recent New York Times article, one Saudi doctor estimates that 80,000 people are infected.[12] The government response to Dr. Metwalli’s statement was almost as disturbing as her findings. Rather that refuting Metwalli’s figures, the official simply declared that they were not necessarily true. He also condemned her comments as inappropriate because only administrators within the Agency for Preventive Medicine, a branch of the Ministry of Health, are entitled to use that information.

If Saudi Arabia is going to effectively combat the spread of AIDS, it is imperative that the public and all members of the government comprehend the scale of the epidemic. The lack of transparency on this issue shows that the Saudi leaders are afraid of the disease, but not for the right reasons. The government should be worried about the health of its people and the prevention of further infections. Unfortunately, officials are more worried about the political and religous implications of the illness. AIDS symbolizes the failure of the Kingdom to impose Islamic sexual morality on its people and to keep out a destructive foreign influence. Although it is low, the AIDS rate is rising quickly. The government must discontinue its denial of the reality of AIDS and the reality of its citizen’s sexual behavior or the number of casualties could skyrocket.

Sources:

• Mackinnon, Mark “Saudis Jail, Deport Foreigners with HIV” in Globe and Mail. www.globeandmail.com September 8. 2005
• “Saudi Arabia: Ministry of Health Official Angry at Saudi Aids Rate Revelation” in Asharq Alawsat. http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?section=1&id=3887 February 22, 2006
• “Saudi Arabia: Teachers silenced on blasphemy charges” in Caleidoscop. http://www.caleidoscop.org.ro/Members/yvonne/saudi-arabia-teachers-silenced-on-blasphemy-charges/view November 17, 2005
• Al Hakeem, Mariam “Saudi Arabia steps up measures to combat AIDS” in Gulf News. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/24/10048990.html June 24, 2006
• “Saudi clinic 'dumps' Aids patient” in BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3161648.stm October 3, 2003
• “Saudi Arabia Steps up Measures to Combat AIDS” in BBC News. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/24/10048990.html October 23, 2003

• “U.N. Launches HIV/AIDS Awareness Campaign in Saudi Arabia With Workshop for Teenagers” Medical News Today. http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/medicalnews.php?newsid=31776 October 10, 2005
• Fattah, Hassan M “Saudi Arabia Begins to Face Hidden Aids Problem” in The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/08/world/middleeast/08saudi.html?pagewanted=1 August 8, 2006.
• Madani, Tariq A,and Al-Mazrou, Yagob Y, and Al-Jeffri, Mohammed H and Al-Huzaim, Nasser S. Department of Medicine, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah and Ministry of Health, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Epidemiology of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus in Saudi Arabia; 18-Year Surveillance Results and Prevention from an Islamic Perspective. In BMC Infectious Diseases. 2004.

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[1] “Saudi Arabia Steps up Measures to Combat AIDS” in BBC News. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/24/10048990.html October 23, 2003

[2] Al Hakeem, Mariam “Saudi Arabia steps up measures to combat AIDS” in Gulf News. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/24/10048990.html June 24, 2006

[3] “Saudi Arabia Steps up Measures to Combat AIDS” in BBC News. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/24/10048990.html October 23, 2003

[4] Mackinnon, Mark “Saudis Jail, Deport Foreigners with HIV” in Globe and Mail. www.globeandmail.com September 8. 2005

[5] “Saudi clinic 'dumps' Aids patient” in BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3161648.stm October 3, 2003

• [6] “Saudi Arabia: Teachers silenced on blasphemy charges” in Caleidoscop. http://www.caleidoscop.org.ro/Members/yvonne/saudi-arabia-teachers-silenced-on-blasphemy-charges/view November 17, 2005

[7] Madani, Tariq A,and Al-Mazrou, Yagob Y, and Al-Jeffri, Mohammed H and Al-Huzaim, Nasser S. Department of Medicine, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah and Ministry of Health, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Epidemiology of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus in Saudi Arabia; 18-Year Surveillance Results and Prevention from an Islamic Perspective. In BMC Infectious Diseases. 2004.

[8] “U.N. Launches HIV/AIDS Awareness Campaign in Saudi Arabia With Workshop for Teenagers” Medical News Today. http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/medicalnews.php?newsid=31776 October 10, 2005

[9]

[10] Madani, Tariq A,and Al-Mazrou, Yagob Y, and Al-Jeffri, Mohammed H and Al-Huzaim, Nasser S. Department of Medicine, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah and Ministry of Health, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Epidemiology of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus in Saudi Arabia; 18-Year Surveillance Results and Prevention from an Islamic Perspective. In BMC Infectious Diseases. 2004.

[11] “Saudi Arabia: Ministry of Health Official Angry at Saudi Aids Rate Revelation” in Asharq Alawsat. http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?section=1&id=3887 February 22, 2006

[12] “U.N. Launches HIV/AIDS Awareness Campaign in Saudi Arabia With Workshop for Teenagers” Medical News Today. http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/medicalnews.php?newsid=31776 October 10, 2005

Fattah, Hassan M “Saudi Arabia Begins to Face Hidden Aids Problem” in The New York Times.